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And ours isn't?It isnt, but what would a german say about american politics when their country is nowadays such a fucking disaster.
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And ours isn't?It isnt, but what would a german say about american politics when their country is nowadays such a fucking disaster.
They run the EU so it's still going well for them.Technically, it is wrong. A PLAN for defeating ISIS was 30 days.
And Germany-ers are now the cucks of Europe.
Today in unoriginal.
Pay attention to the subtle bias, this is leftist reporting done with sublime coercion.
You can give competition across state lines and give states control of healthcare. They're not mutually exclusive.
Problem with a German style system is doctors would revolt. Doctors in Germany make WAY less than here. An average doctor in GER makes like 80k where in the US the average is like 180k.
Well, how about using the Dutch system? The average Dutch doctor makes about the same (GPS) /more than the average US doctor. Problem solved.
Don't forget the high pharma costs in the Us because there isn't a single negotiator. State negotiations could lower drug costs significantly as well.
Machine learning is improving rapidly; there are already some diseases which are more accurately diagnosed by AI than the average GP. That'll (eventually) drive doctor salaries down, though I'm guessing that those salaries only account for a fraction of US healthcare's bloated costs.
Doctors will get better pay by being private doctors outside a nationalized system. Like in England, where they import doctors from Ghana and India to cover for the fact that practicing medicine is like working on an assembly line.
Diploma courses are 2 years in India (then surpervised work), or a 4 year degree right out of HS gets you an MD.
But cheating is rampant:
http://www.reuters.com/article/us-india-medicine-education-specialrepor-idUSKBN0OW1NM20150617
But ya... some of you are ok importing whatever. Everyone is exactly the same at all times and you can't judge.
As much as I sympathize with you wish to make S America seem western, you yokels will never be cowboys.
An Indian vs a Brazilian doctor would really be a Sophie's Choice.
The subtle message across all fronts is that we need to shut down all opinions and any voice that dissents from the legacy media and progressive open border reality script. They have failed to notice we already stormed their reality studio and have taken back control of the mixing desk.
They're still splicing strips of film whilst we're cutting into their false narrative reality digitally. Now they want to close down Youtube to extremists i.e. Paul Joseph Watson, Infowars, some dude who reviews computer games, Rebel Media, etc. But it doesn't matter, the vehicle is not the message, there will be other platforms to get the message across.
The same problem in the UK. You cannot alter the structure of the NHS: other than throw more money at it, add more bureaucracy, or give more money and status to the doctors. Any real change that would effect the status of doctors and bring them down to the level of pay and status of a German doctor would be fought against and obstructed.
There's also the political side of the issue, both the NHS and BBC are seen by the left as the ideal model organisations of socialist society. The see these organisations as a blue print for the rest of society.
When the NHS was started, the doctors were against it and they had to buy them off with status, protection and money. Doctors in the UK are like gods of the local community and that's one of the reasons Harold Shipman was able to peddle death as his choice of medicine for a great many years, if not decades.
I wouldn't wish the NHS system on a comparative western nation. To get any kind of effective treatment or pain relief you have to run the gauntlet of having to earn your treatment through pain and chronic suffering. You wait for ever on waiting lists, unless of course, you cough up the bucks to the specialist for private treatment (much like the old Soviet system there, albeit it was all money passed under the table in brown envelopes). If you are operated on, you have good chance of picking up a superbug or infection as they don't scrub the wards clean with disinfectant.
I have quite some experience of the Dutch system with an appendix removed, back operation and cages placed in the spine of my neck. My total cost operation wise is close to €50,000! The insurance covers, but I've certainly had more out than what I've put in. But the risk is collectivized and works.
Getting to see a doctor is easy and quick, unlike the UK.
You don't need AI, just type in your symptoms into an internet search engine and tell the doctor what you think it is and what medication you require.
It is interesting that before studying to be a doctor in the UK, you must demonstrate academic prowess with excellent A Level results in a number of subjects. Meanwhile in India, you just need to pass the medical exam, no previous qualifications necessary, but is considered good enough to put you on a fast track route to working for the NHS as a doctor.
Lower requirements for foreigners and higher for the locals. Doesn't quite sound right does it?
We're seeing a lot of Indianization in my industry now. What can I say, they all have fancy titles, impressive CV's on paper, from higher hindu castes and are paid a pittance compared to say a Brit or Dutch equivalent on a contract. Most have extremely poor inter-personal skills and it's hard to believe that their qualifications are at the same level of western universities. Although some of them are good, particularly those who came over in the 1990s or early 2000's, most of what I experience now is a poor replacement for what is already available here in Europe.
Brazilian and Venezuelan doctors are crap, I've experienced them too in-country. At least in Brazil you can buy any medication you want over the counter at the local pharmacy. Albeit, if you want the western produced stuff, and not the local generic made equivalents, it will cost you dear.
Johnny Rotten gets it:
Johnny Rotten gets it:
Trump Administration Signals It Would Seek Mostly Modest Changes to Nafta
One change would be in government-procurement section of deal that could open up door for ‘Buy American’ policies
One change, according to the draft, would be in the government-procurement section that could open up the door for President Trump’s ‘Buy American’ policies. Photo: Andrew Harrer/Press Pool/European Pressphoto Agency
By
Bob Davis and
William Mauldin
Updated March 29, 2017 11:56 p.m. ET
WASHINGTON—The Trump administration is signaling to Congress it would seek mostly modest changes to the North American Free Trade Agreement in upcoming negotiations with Mexico and Canada, a deal President Donald Trump called a “disaster” during the campaign.
According to an administration draft proposal being circulated in Congress by the U.S. trade representative’s office, the U.S. would keep some of Nafta’s most controversial provisions, including an arbitration panel that lets investors in the three nations circumvent local courts to resolve civil claims. Critics of these panels say they impinge on national sovereignty.
The draft, reviewed by The Wall Street Journal, talks of seeking “to improve procedures to resolve disputes,” rather than eliminating the panels.
The U.S. also wouldn’t use the Nafta negotiations to deal with disputes over foreign currency policies or to hit numerical targets for bilateral trade deficits, as some trade hawks have been urging.
However, in one far-reaching change, the draft proposal calls for allowing a Nafta nation to reinstate tariffs in case of a flood of imports that cause “serious injury or threat of serious injury” to domestic industries.
The document appears to be a compromise between the desires of trade hawks to use Nafta renegotiations as a way to set a new trade agenda and moderates who back the U.S. traditional commitment to free trade. The Congress is split along those lines as well.
The draft could be revised. The administration must give Congress 90 days’ notice under trade law before beginning formal Nafta renegotiations. It is far from clear that Canada and Mexico would agree to the changes the U.S. seeks.
In a meeting last month with Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, President Trump signaled that he wanted small changes in Nafta—at least as it pertains to Canada—but didn’t offer any details.
The U.S. trade representative’s office declined to comment.
Jeffrey Schott, a trade scholar at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, a free-trade think tank, said that the measure reimposing tariffs—called a “snapback” in trade lingo—was also sought by the Clinton administration 24 years ago when it negotiated side deals to Nafta. Mexico didn’t agree to the changes.
The letter accompanying the Nafta draft, which was sent to members of the Senate Finance Committee, among others, said the U.S. trade deficit with Canada and Mexico “demands that this administration take swift action to revise the relationship.”
But the draft doesn’t propose specific measures that would close the deficit. So-called rules of origin—the percentage of a product that must be produced in Nafta countries—could be set in a way that “supports production and jobs in the United States,” the draft said. But the document doesn’t provide any details of how that would be done or what level of domestic content the U.S. would seek.
Another substantial change could emerge in the government-procurement section of Nafta, which currently requires the U.S. government to consider bids from Mexican and Canadian companies on domestic infrastructure projects.
In the draft objectives, the Trump administration is seeking “to establish rules that require government procurement to be conducted in a manner that is consistent with U.S. law and the administration’s policy on domestic procurement preferences,” which could open up the door for Mr. Trump’s “Buy American” policies. Meanwhile, U.S. contractors could lose business in Mexico and Canada.
Mr. Schott noted that a number of the proposed negotiating objectives echo provisions in the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a 12-nation trade pact among Pacific Rim countries. Mr. Trump campaigned heavily against the TPP. The president pulled the U.S. from the deal on his first working day in office.
Among the TPP-style provisions the U.S. will seek, according to the draft, are protections of digital trade and commerce, tougher intellectual property enforcement and requirements that state-owned companies operate in a commercial fashion. The Obama administration had hoped to use TPP to set standards for state-owned firms in the Pacific as a way to influence Chinese behavior.
The proposed labor and environmental provisions—particularly important to Democrats—also echo the TPP, said Mr. Schott. The U.S. would seek to include such provisions in the body of Nafta agreement—they are now in a side deal—and have them enforced in the same way that other Nafta requirements are enforced. Ultimately, that could mean imposing tariffs if the dispute isn’t worked out among the parties.
Many supporters of Mr. Trump’s approach to trade had hoped he would include binding currency rules in Nafta and use that as a template for deals with Asian countries.
Even if currency isn’t included in the main Nafta negotiations, U.S. officials could still strike a side-deal on currency with counterparts in Mexico. The Obama administration won new currency guidelines in a deal meant to accompany the TPP, but critics across Congress complained that the currency deal wasn’t binding, and lawmakers never brought the TPP to a vote.
Like the pinche indio, you are not really aware of how things work. But since unlike him you seem to at least have the basic mental capacity to potentially grasp complex issues, I give you a (totally sincere and helpful) hint: Follow the cash. For a start, look at the target2 balances and think about what that means in terms of cash flow. Who's obviously winning (bigly, I may add) and who is paying for it.They wont for long if Europeans get smart and close their borders to this invasion.
God he is a sad over the hill motherfucker. That dude wouldn't know punk if it sat on his face. He was an advertisement for McLaren, got played like a bitch.
What is going on right now is the antithesis of punk. It's streamlining dissent through false narratives to make the sheeple obey. All the gaslighting about carnage in cities and law and order and nationalism all sorts of population control too numerous to mention. Conformity is the goal here from your dear leaders, and punk laughs at this tripe. Everyone pat themselves on the back for being good moral upright citizens! These guys supporters are fucking vomit inducing middle class simpletons.
Its all over the news, unless there is fake news everywhere, this might be real.
When Trump heard Flynn is demanding immunity he said that it will cause autism.
MAGA doesn't seem bothered by it.
https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/847766558520856578
Heydoghouse , how does one imbed these twitterings so they look cute like yours?
Mistakes, He’s Made a Few Too Many
Crisis will inevitably strike, so America needs stability and strength. Will Trump be ready?
By
Peggy Noonan
March 30, 2017 7:21 p.m. ET
Near the end of the campaign I wrote a column called “Imagine a Sane Donald Trump,” lamenting that I believed he was crazy, and too bad. Too bad because his broad policy assertions, or impulses, suggested he understood that 2008 and the years just after (the crash and the weak recovery) had changed everything in America, and that the country was going to choose, in coming decades, one of two paths—a moderate populism or socialism—and that the former was vastly to be preferred, for reasons of the nation’s health. A gifted politician could make his party the leader toward that path, which includes being supportive and encouraging of business but willing to harness government to alleviate the distress of the abandoned working class and the anxious middle class; strong on defense but neither aggressive nor dreamy in world affairs; realistic and nonradical on social issues while unmistakably committed to protecting the freedoms of the greatest cohering force in America, its churches; and aware that our nation’s immigration reality was a scandal created by both parties, and must be redressed.
You could discern, listening to his interviews and speeches, that this was more or less where Donald Trump stood. If a politician governed along those lines, he could help bring forward a politics more pertinent to the times, end brain-dead fixations, force both parties to question their ways of operating, and possibly push our national politics in a more productive direction. All this in my view would be good.
Undergirding my thinking is the sense that a big bad day is coming—that we have too many enemies, and some of them have the talent to hurt us, and one or more inevitably will. Whatever helps hold us together now will help hold us together then, when we’re under severe pressure.
Behind that thought is the observation that our country is stressed to the point of fracture culturally, economically, politically, spiritually. We find it hard to hold together on a peaceful day, never mind a violent one. And so right now we must institute as much good feeling and cooperation in Washington as we can. The nation longs for examples of constructiveness and capability. We’ve got to keep the long view in mind.
The priority is stabilizing and strengthening what we have, and encouraging wherever possible an atmosphere of peacefulness and respect.
That’s where I am, or rather what I think is politically desirable.
Looking at the administration 70 days in, things do not, in these areas, look promising. There’s too much gravitational pull to the president’s accumulated mistakes.
His stupid tweets have now resulted in the Russia probe. That will help opioid addicts in Ohio. This Thursday he may have launched a Republican civil war: The Freedom Caucus had better “get on the team, & fast. We must fight them, & the Dems, in 2018!” That will help promote harmony. His staff has failed to absorb the obvious fact that Mr. Trump was so outsized, colorful, and freakish a character that their primary job, and an easy one it was, was to be the opposite—sober, low-key, reassuring. Instead they seemed to compete with him for outlandishness.
Whatever your feelings and views, whatever was said behind closed doors, in the photo-op the president of the United States must shake the German chancellor’s hand. Not only because you are a gentleman, not only because it is your job to represent America with grace, but because a baseline requirement of your office is to show public respect for a great nation with which we have a history, part of that history constituting a jewel in the crown of 20th-century world diplomacy.
It amazes me that in his dealings with the health-care bill Mr. Trump revealed that he has no deep knowledge of who his base is, who his people are. I’ve never seen that in politics. But Mr. Trump’s supporters didn’t like the bill. If they had wanted a Republican president who deals only with the right, to produce a rightist bill, they would have chosen Ted Cruz. Instead they chose someone outside conservatism who backed big-ticket spending on infrastructure and opposed cutting entitlements, which suggested he’d be working with Democrats, too.
A president dealing with a national issue that arouses anxieties has to take time and speak repeatedly on the plan and the goal, with the kind of specificity that encourages confidence. “You win the argument, then you win legislatively,” Newt Gingrich said in an interview this week, paraphrasing Margaret Thatcher.
And a president must always appear to be leading, not meekly tagging leaders within the Congress.
Seventy days is only 70 days. Mr. Trump’s supporters will give him time. During the campaign I spoke often to a friend in north Georgia, a Trump supporter who was a Democrat and voted for Barack Obama. She is unshaken. Mr. Trump is “making the kind of mistakes a new president makes,” she says now. “He’s having growing pains. Because he’s not a politician.”
He’s not. But he is the holder of the highest political office in the land, which requires some political discipline.
Whenever I used to have disagreements with passionate pro-Trump people, I’d hear their arguments, weigh their logic and grievances. I realized after a while that in every conversation we always brought different experiences to the table. I had worked in a White House. I had personally observed its deeper realities and requirements. Their sense of how a White House works came from news shows and reading, and also from TV shows such as “House of Cards” and “Scandal.” Those are dark, cynical shows that more or less suggest anyone can be president. I don’t mean that in the nice way. Those programs don’t convey how a White House is an organism demanding of true depth, of serious people, real professionals. A president has to be a serious person too, and not only an amusing or stimulating talker, or the object of a dream.
Robert Sherwood, the playwright who was Franklin D. Roosevelt’s speechwriter throughout the war, saw him as subtle, high-minded, and one of the great “showmen” of presidential history. Sherwood’s biographer, Harriet Hyman Alonso, quotes Sherwood on how sometimes FDR spoke to him “as if he were an actor who had been reading my lines.” After a speech in Philadelphia, the president asked Sherwood if he thought the timing in a section of the speech was good. Sherwood called it perfect. Roosevelt then gave him “one of his sly looks and asked, ‘Do you think [Alfred] Lunt could have done it any better?’ ” Lunt was the great stage actor of the day.
That is the public part of the presidency, which we see so much now that we think it’s all there is. But there is a private presidency. It is in private that Mr. Trump does his tweeting. It is in private, in the office, that a crisis comes over the transom, and is announced by the national security adviser. Maybe the mad boy-king of North Korea will decide it’s a good day to see if his missiles can hit Los Angeles. Maybe a sleeper cell of terrorists will decide it’s a good day to show it’s woke.
Crisis reveals the character, the essential nature of a White House. Seventy days in, that is my worry.
Hit the little button next to image embedding, the one that looks like a piece of film. Paste in the link above.
Weaponized twitter comments, as russian as you can get. AGENTS OF PUTIN
Dont call me a comrade! Call me Tovarisch!!!Crush that like button, comrade!